Центральный Дом Знаний - Blum W.Rogue state.A guide to the world's only superpower (2002)

Информационный центр "Центральный Дом Знаний"

Заказать учебную работу! Жми!



ЖМИ: ТУТ ТЫСЯЧИ КУРСОВЫХ РАБОТ ДЛЯ ТЕБЯ

      cendomzn@yandex.ru  

Наш опрос

Я учусь (закончил(-а) в
Всего ответов: 2688

Онлайн всего: 1
Гостей: 1
Пользователей: 0


Форма входа

Логин:
Пароль:

Blum W.Rogue state.A guide to the world's only superpower (2002)

Blum W.
Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower

Contents
Author's Foreword: Concerning September 11, 2001 viii Introduction 1
Ours and Theirs: Washington's Love/Hate Relationship with Terrorists and Human-Rights Violators
1. Why Do Terrorists Keep Picking on the United States? 29
2. America's Gift to the World—the Afghan Terrorist Alumni 33
3. Assassinations 38
4. Excerpts from US Army and CIA Training Manuals 43
5. Torture 49
6. The Unsavories 58
7. Training New Unsavories 61
8. War Criminals: Theirs and Ours 68
9. Haven for Terrorists 79
10. Supporting Pol Pot 87
United States Use of Weapons of Mass Destruction
11. Bombings 92
12. Depleted Uranium 96
13. Cluster Bombs 100
14. United States Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons Abroad 103
15. United States Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons at Home 113
16. Encouragement of the Use of CBW by Other Nations 120
A Rogue State versus the World
17. A Concise History of United States Global Interventions, 1945 to the Present 125
18. Perverting Elections 168
19. Trojan Horse: The National Endowment for Democracy 179
20. The US versus the World at the United Nations 184
21. Eavesdropping on the Planet 200
22. Kidnapping and Looting 210
23. How the CIA Sent Nelson Mandela to Prison for 28 Years 215
24. The CIA and Drugs: Just Say "Why Not?" 218
25. Being the World's Only Superpower Means Never Having to Say You're Sorry 227
26. The United States Invades, Bombs and Kills for It...but Do Americans Really Believe in Free Enterprise? 236
27. A Day in the Life of a Free Country 243
Notes 274 Index 305
About the Author 310

Author's Foreword: Concerning September 11, 2001 and the Bombing of Afghanistan
Shortly after the publication of this book, the momentous events of September 11, 2001 occurred. Four planes were hijacked in the United States and terrorists proceeded to carry out the most devastating attack on American soil in the history of the country. The physical destruction and personal suffering caused by the attacks was immense. In addition to punishing the perpetrators who were still alive, the most pressing mission facing the United States was—or should have been—to not allow what happened to pass without deriving important lessons from it to prevent its recurrence. Clearly, the most meaningful of these lessons was the answer to the question "Why?"
It happens that the first chapter in this book is entitled "Why Do Terrorists Keep Picking on the United States?". It argues that terrorists—whatever else they might be—might also be rational human beings, which is to say that in their own minds they have a rational justification for their actions. Most terrorists are people deeply concerned by what they see as social, political, or religious injustice and hypocrisy, and the immediate grounds for their terrorism is often retaliation for an action of the United States.
The chapter contains a lengthy list of such US actions in the Middle East, which have taken many lives, from the bombing of Lebanon and Libya to the sinking of an Iranian ship; from the shooting down of an Iranian passenger plane and the unending bombing of the Iraqi people to the support of despotic Middle Eastern regimes and the massive military aid to Israel despite the devastation and routine torture that the country inflicts upon the Palestinian people.
As retribution for decades of military, economic and political oppression imposed upon the Middle East and the mainly Muslim population who live there by the American Empire, the buildings targeted by the terrorists were not chosen at random. The Pentagon and World Trade Center represented the military and economic might of the United States, while the plane that crashed in Pennsylvania may well have been on its way to the political wing, the White House.
Perspective can be everything. If what the hijackers did is inexcusable, it is by no means inexplicable.
It's not just people in the Middle East who have good reason for hating what the US government does. The United States has created huge numbers of potential terrorists all over Latin America during a half-century of American actions far worse than those perpetrated in the Middle East. If Latin Americans shared the belief of many Muslims that they will go directly to paradise for martyring themselves by killing the Great Satan, by now we might have had decades of repeated terrorist horror coming from south of the US-Mexican border. As it is, over the years the region has produced numerous attacks on American embassies, diplomats, US Information Agency offices, and the like.
There are also the people of Asia and Africa. Much the same thing applies.
The magnitude of the September 11 attack was such that the American media—the serious or passably serious segments—were obliged to delve into areas they normally do not visit. A number of mainstream newspapers, magazines and radio stations, in their quest to understand "Why?", suddenly—or so it seemed—discovered that the United States had been engaged in actions like the ones listed above and countless other interventions in foreign lands over the decades that could indeed produce a great degree of anti-American feeling.
This was one positive outcome of the tragedy. This "revelation", however, appeared to escape the mass of the American people, the great majority of whom get their snatches of foreign news from tabloid newspapers, lowest-common-denominator radio programs, and laughably superficial TV newscasts.
Thus it was that instead of an outpouring of reflection upon what the United States does to the world to make it so hated, there was an outpouring of patriotism of the narrowest kind: Congress members stood on the steps of the Capitol and sang "God Bless America", stores quickly sold out their stocks of American flags, which fluttered high and low in whatever direction one looked, callers to radio shows spat out venom and bloodlust, at entertainment and sporting events it became de rigueur to begin with a military and/or patriotic ceremony, one could scarcely pick up a newspaper or turn on the radio or TV without some tribute to American courage, and everyone and his cousin were made into "heroes". This phenomenon continued, hardly abated, into the year 2002.
And the serious American media soon returned to normal mode; i.e., one could regularly find more significant and revealing informa-tion concerning US foreign policy in the London papers, the Guardian and the Independent, than in the New York Times and Washington Post.
Most Americans find it difficult in the extreme to accept the proposition that terrorist acts against the United States can be viewed as revenge for Washington's policies abroad. They believe that the US is targeted because of its freedom, its democracy, its wealth. The Bush administration, like its predecessors following other terrorist acts, has pushed this as the official line ever since the attacks. The American Council of Trustees and Alumni, a conservative watchdog group founded by Lynne Cheney, wife of the vice-president, and Senator Joseph Lieberman, announced in November the formation of the Defense of Civilization Fund, declaring that "It was not only America that was attacked on September 11, but civilization. We were attacked not for our vices, but for our virtues."1
But government officials know better. A Department of Defense study in 1997 concluded that: "Historical data show a strong correla-tion between US involvement in international situations and an increase in terrorist attacks against the United States,"2
Former president Jimmy Carter, some years after he left the White House, was unambiguous in his agreement with this: We sent Marines into Lebanon and you only have to go to Lebanon, to Syria or to Jordan to witness first-hand the intense hatred among many people for the United States because we bombed and shelled and unmercifully killed totally innocent villagers—women and children and farmers and housewives—in those villages around Beirut...As a result of that...we became kind of a Satan in tbe minds of those who are deeply resentful. That is what precipitated the taking of our hostages [in Iran] and that is wbat has precipitated some of the terrorist attacks—which were totally unjustified and criminal.3
The terrorists responsible for the original bombing of the World Trade Center back in 1993 sent a letter to the New York Times which stated, in part: "We declare our responsibility for the explosion on the mentioned building. This action was done in response for the American political, economical, and military support to Israel the state of terrorism and to the rest of the dictator countries in the region."4
Further evidence of government and media awareness of the connection between anti-US terrorism and American policies is offered in chapter one of this book.

The perpetrators
For two and a half months following September 11 the most powerful nation in history rained down a daily storm of missiles upon Afghanistan, one of the poorest and most backward countries in the world. Eventually, this question pressed itself onto the world's stage: Who killed more innocent, defenseless people? The terrorists in the United States on September 11 with their flying bombs? Or the Americans in Afghanistan with their AGM-86D cruise missiles, their AGM-130 missiles, their 15,000-pound "daisy cutter" bombs, their depleted uranium and their cluster bombs?
By year's end, the count of the terrorists' victims in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania stood at about 3,000. The total count of civilian dead in Afghanistan as a result of American bombing was essentially ignored by US officials and just about everyone else, but a painstaking compilation of numerous individual reports from the American and international media and human rights organizations by an American professor arrived at considerably more than 3,500 Afghan dead through early December, and still counting.5
This figure does not include those who died later of bomb injuries, or those who died from cold and hunger due to their homes being destroyed by bombs, or the deaths from exposure or hunger among the hundreds of thousands of internal refugees fleeing the bombing. Neither does it include the thousands of "military" deaths or the hundreds of prisoners who were executed or otherwise slaughtered by Washington's new "freedom fighter" allies in conjunction with American military and intelligence operatives. In the final analysis, the body count will also be missing the inevitable victims of cluster bombs-turned-landmines and those who perish more slowly from depleted-uranium-caused sicknesses.
Loading

Календарь

«  Март 2024  »
ПнВтСрЧтПтСбВс
    123
45678910
11121314151617
18192021222324
25262728293031

Архив записей

Друзья сайта

  • Заказать курсовую работу!
  • Выполнение любых чертежей
  • Новый фриланс 24